This item is available on the Militant Islam Monitor website, at http://www.militantislammonitor.org/article/id/8183
January 28, 2026
An event titled 'From Dehumanization To Dialogue' A Conversation with Ahmed Fouad Al Khatib,a Saudi born faux Palestinian and stealth jihadist who advocates a' Two State Final Solution', pitched his proposal to build an airport to Yahya Sinwar himself and lobbies Western donors to contribute to his efforts. The Weitzman Museum Of American Jewish History in Philadelphia which is 'co producing' this 'die'alogue together with the ADL, JCRC, and the Jewish Federation of Greater Philadelphia.
Asking For A Friend: Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib was detained and deported upon his arrival in Israel in 2017 because he was determined by Israeli security forces to be a clear and present danger to Jews and the safety of Israel. He was questioned due to his own and his family's operational ties to Saudi Arabia, UNRWA and HAMAS. Why are the Weitzman 'Jewish' Museum, the ADL, the JCRC and the Jewish Federation funding and platforming him inside donor funded Jewish venues?
MIM: Alkhatib's 'criticism' of Hamas in NOT rooted in morality or ideology. He is critical of Hamas because as he often complains "Hamas is harming the Palestinian cause' and never mentions their barbaric atrocities against Jews and Israel unless he can make a peridious comparison to Israeli defensive actions to stop jihadists in Gaza from staging another Al Aqsa Flood massacre.
MIM: Any Jewish individuals and organizations that engage with Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib are useful idiots aka Jews4Jihad who are being duped by Alkhatib's opportunistic 'Judeophilia' and behave with a dhimmi like deference to him and go into jihad denial mode when irrefutable evidence of Alkhatib's true motivation is presented to them.
Alkhatibs' criticism of Hamas is a regurgition of the Fatah (PA aka Palestinian Authority aka Paid Assassins) position regarding Hamas which is summed up below. Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib's 'criticism' of Hamas IS the Fatah party line.
AI - WHY HAMAS AND FATAH SPLIT
'THE DIVISION STEMS FROM DEEP IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL DIFFERENCES CULMINATING IN 2007. FATAH'S ADVOCATING FOR DIPLOMACY AND A TWO-STATE SOLUTION CLASHED WITH HAMAS'S ISLAMIST IDEOLOLOGY AND REJECTION OF PRIOR AGREEMENTS WITH ISRAEL.'
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MIM: In 2017 Alkhatib wrote an article titled: "My Failed Trip To Jerusalem". He described his arrival, detainment and deportation after he arrived at Ben Gurion airport on his American passport.His father's work for the UN and the Saudi government before arriving in Gaza to work take up the position of director and doctor of the UNRWA run Jabiliya refugee and jihad camp in 2000 at the start of the 'Second Intifada' and his brothers' employment with UNRWA and his own 'pro Palestinian' activism provides a clue as to why he was refused entry to Israel and deported after having been evaluated as posing a security threat.
MIM:In the same year Alkhatib had a 40 minute Whatsapp video call with Hamas Fuhrer and 10/7 Al Aqsa Flood massacre mastermind Yahya Sinwar in Gaza. Alkhatib pitched his proposal for building an airport in Gaza and wrote that Sinwar had 'given his preliminary approval on the condition that the facility was not used to 'undermine Hamas or "the resistance". No surprise that he was deported from Israel on the day of his arrival!
"In April of 2017 – three years after obtaining US citizenship – I began planning what I believed would be a straightforward visit to Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. I had never been to either, and my sister had received a scholarship to attend the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Additionally, my father was going to Israel for medical treatment and I thought it would be a rare opportunity to see him and my mother, who was accompanying him out of Gaza."
"Upon landing at Ben Gurion Airport, my US passport was taken away at the border control booth while I was instructed to sit in a holding area. After a lengthy wait, I was directed into a room where I was asked numerous questions about my family background, family members' names, places of residence, and other details. Though I had expected some degree of questioning, the type of questions was alarming in that they were strictly focused on my background as someone from Gaza, despite the fact that I hadn't been in the Strip for 12 years. I knew that something unpleasant had commenced...My body and items were swiped repeatedly by bomb-detecting probes. The officers even made me open my factory-sealed snack bars to ensure that nothing nefarious was hidden in them...I was told that I would be deported, and that I would not have access to my passport until returning to the US. I asked if I could at least get it back in Turkey so that I could stay in Istanbul for a few days with my brother and friends."
https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/a-failed-trip-to-jerusalem/ (Complete article below)
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MIM: In 2024 Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib published an article in Newsweek titled:
"I Spoke To Sinwar In 2017: What I Learned Is More Relevant Than Ever"
Alkhatib matter of factly recounted his 40 minute Whatsapp video to his friend Khaled in Gaza who was sitting in Yahya Sinwar's living room! Alkhatib explained the goal of his Project Unified Assistance (PUA) and assured Sinwar that the proposed airport would not 'undermine Hamas or or "the resistance".
"In 2017, I was awaiting a call from a friend in the Gaza Strip over a WhatsApp video. When it finally came, my friend Khaled was sitting in the living room of Yahya Sinwar, who agreed to discuss my Gaza airport proposal.
Back then, I was advocating the establishment of an internationally-run, Israeli and IDF-approved airfield in Gaza to address the lack of freedom of movement for the Strip's civilian population through non-Egyptian and non-Israeli points of entry and exit. Central to my proposal was that Hamas would have no part in administering the facility and would have to agree to an international presence that would handle all security, to ensure that there would be no smuggling or nefarious activities which would benefit the terror group and harm Israeli security."
Sinwar asked questions about my true intentions in promoting the proposal. He wanted to know why I cared so much about aviation as a way to help the people of Gaza. He gave a preliminary approval for the proposal, while cautioning me against the facility becoming a "hub of spies" for those seeking to undermine Hamas and the "resistance." I assured him that Israel, the Arabs, and the international community have an abundance of technological means through which they could spy on Hamas, and that an airport would be the least significant mechanism through which the group could be undermined. And that was that.
"Looking back at the 40-minute video call, I remember a reasonable man who was highly paranoid and uncertain what to make of me."
(Full article below) https://www.newsweek.com/i-spoke-yahyah-sinwar-2017-what-i-learned-more-relevant-ever-opinion-1972357
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MIM: Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib's father spent years in Saudi Arabia working for the United Nazis (UN) and the Saudi Government and came to Gaza in 2000 to work for UNRWA when his son Ahmed Fouad was around 11 years old. Alkhatib's father was appointed as the director and doctor at the' United Nazis Weapons Resource Agency's' Jabilya refugee & ihad camp in Gaza. His brother and other family member worled for UNRWA and other NGOs in the Strip. Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib left Gaza at age 15 after spending 5 years there when he went to study in the United States, was granted asylum and became a US citizen in 2014.
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib is a genocidal 'Two State Final Solution' stealth jihadist who is has parlayed his lucrative scam as 'Palestinian' peace activist' to gullible Jews and Israelis while claiming that the ONLY way 'peace' is possible is if he and "his people in Gaza" are given a 'Palestinian State" which can only exist after Muslim eradicate Jews and Israel is destroyed. Note that Alkhatib never mentions the atrocities against the Jews committed by Hamas except when he can cynically exploit 'the suffering of Israelis with the suffering of Gazans'. His stock in trade criticism of Hamas is that 'The Islamic Resistance Movement' has now become an obstacle to the creation of a 'Palestinian State'.
MIM: Alkhatibs' talk of peace and his criticism of Hamas is made for the consumption by 'gullible Jews and other useful idiots in Western countries will give money to any self proclaimed Jihadist turned Judeophile. This 'radical pragmatism' is straight from the pages of the PLO playbook used by PLO fuher Yasser Arafat which means hiding one's genocidal intentions beneath by paying lip service to 'peace' and 'coexistance'. This 'radical pragmatism' was epitomized by the keffiyeh clad Yasser Arafat who shook hands with Yitzhak Rabin outsideof the White House after the signing of the 'Warrant For Genocide' aka the 'Oslo Accords'.
MIM:The event announcement has been updated to proclaim that Alkhatib will be having a "Candid Conversation" with the Senior Regional Director of the ADL, Andrew Goretsky. The event flyer on the Weitzman National Museum Of Jewish History's Facebook page deceptively states that Alkhatib is a "Gaza born analyst" who will be advancing "a two state solution grounded in non violence and political realism."
MIM: Fern Sidman of AFSI (Americans For A Safe Israel) wrote the definitive obituary for the 'Two State Final Solution'
"From Ashes to Resolve: The Return of Ran Gvili and the Shattering of the Two-State Illusion" (See full article below)
January 2026
"The political implications are profound. If Palestinian statehood is no longer seen by large segments of Israeli society as a path to peace, but as a platform for future violence, then the entire architecture of international diplomacy toward the conflict faces a legitimacy crisis. The language of "solution" itself becomes suspect."
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MIM: Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib the 'Gaza born analyst' who gets feted and funded by useful idiots and 'Jews4Jihad' who invite him into synagogues,museums and other institutions and make a mockery of their purported missions to 'ensure Jewish continuity' by showcasing and celebrating Jewish history.
Alkhatib's advocacy for a 'Two State Final Solution' is not only inherently antithetical to Jewish continuity' on every conceivable level it shows a suicidal pathology which Gad Saad calls"Suicidal Empathy" and was defined by Rabbi Meir Kahane H"YD as being "Better But Deader":
"Some say: Let's not lower ourself to their level. Right we'll be six feet below their level"
"
Saudi born grifter Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib only lived in Gaza for 5 years. Alkhatib's father was working as a doctor in Saudi Arabia until going to Gaza to assume the postition of director and doctor at UNRWA's Jabiliya refugee & jihad camp.
MIM: Alkhatib recently spoke at a Jewish organized 'Peace Rally urging democracy, dignity and a a new Palestinian future' during his trip to Londinistan and the United Khalifate where he was heralded as "a critic of Hamas from a Gaza family".
When is he scheduled to speak at a mosque and bring his message of peace and love of Jews and Israel to his coreligionists?
"Critic of Hamas from Gaza family to address Jewish-led London event"
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib will speak at Jewish-led event urging democracy, dignity and a new Palestinian future.
Alkhatib, who was born in Saudi Arabia to a Gaza family and spent part of his childhood in Gaza, has become known for his rejection of both Hamas rule and Israel's current political leadership. He argues that Hamas's ideology, governance and use of violence have inflicted profound harm on Palestinian society and undermined the Palestinian national cause, while also condemning Israel's military campaign and the policies of its far-right government.
https://www.jewishnews.co.uk/gaza-born-critic-of-hamas-to-address-london-jewish-peace-rally/
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LAST CHANCE - THIS THURSDAY From Dehumanization to Dialogue: Conversation with Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib |
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Andrew Goretsky, Senior Regional Director of ADL Philadelphia, will join Gaza‑born analyst Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib for a candid conversation on confronting Hamas, supporting Israeli and Palestinian civilians, and pursuing pragmatic, humane paths forward—drawing on his personal history, policy work, and commitment to serious, values‑driven dialogue. Learn more. Thursday, January 29 6 pm Check In and Cash Bar 6:30 pm Program ############## Live at The Weitzman Pre-registration required by Wednesday, JANUARY 28. Co-produced by The Weitzman, ADL Philadelphia, and the JCRC. National Museum of American Jewish History Join us Jan 29 for a timely conversation with Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council and Director of Realign for Palestine. A Gaza‑born analyst and leading critic of extremism, Alkhatib will discuss supporting both Israeli and Palestinian civilians, *while advancing a two-state solution* grounded in nonviolence and political realism. Amidst deep polarization, this dialogue offers a chance to engage with complexity, uphold human dignity, and reflect upon what moral responsibility demands of all of us.
#TheWeitzman #RealignForPalestine #PhillyEvents https://www.facebook.com/weitzmanmuseum/posts/join-us-jan-29-for-a-timely-conversation-with-ahmed-fouad-alkhatib-senior-fellow/1295012966007544/ ################# |
MIM: Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib's own words prove that his 'acknowledgement of Israeli suffering' is a strategic move to trick Jews into being receptive to his PA propaganda to advance the aim of eradicating Israel with the establishment of a 'Palestinian State' aka 'The Two-State Final Solution'. The fact that the theme of the Jewish funded Jewish event is "From Dehumanization To Dialogue" is a textbook case of how the pathological need and self effacing desperation of individuals and groups in the Jewish community are willinng to finance their mortal enemies to prove to them why they shouldnt be hated.
MIM: The process of making Gush Katif 'Judenrein' as a gesture of peace towards 'Palestinian' Islamonazis should serve as as more than just a cautionary tale. This dhimmitude debacle should be the Exhibit A in 'The Case Against A Palestinian State'.This catastrophic and suicidal gesture of' good towards Islamonazis was touted as the dawninng of peace and a shared future for Jews and 'Palestinians'. Instead it brought about the election of Hamas and the creation of a jihad base a few short miles from Israel and the Al Aqsa Flood massacre by bloodthirsty and frenzied Hamazans on October 7th 2023.
Twenty Years After Gaza Withdrawal,Threat Of Terror Remains
The 'Palestinians' had a chance to build a viable and flourishing presence in Gaza; instead, they opted for terrorism and hate.
"In less than a week, nearly 9,000 Israeli citizens were expelled from their homes, 21 evacuated settlements were razed, and hundreds of homes, productive farms, hothouses, religious institutions, daycare centers, and schools were destroyed. Bodies interred in the Gush Katif cemetery were removed and reburied. The Jews' connection to the Gaza Strip came to an end.
In January 2006, Hamas won parliamentary elections; and in June the following year, in a bloody overthrow, Hamas seized control of the Gaza Strip and ousted the Palestinian Authority Fatah. It chose to use the billions of dollars sent by the international community to aid the Palestinian people, to build a vast terrorist infrastructure and an enhanced military capability.
Terrorism continues to escalate
Many members of Israeli society feel even today that the forced removal of Jews from their homes in Gaza led to an escalation in terrorism. There are those who feel that if Israel had maintained a presence inside Gaza instead of uprooting Jews from their homes, perhaps the massacre of October 7, 2023, would not have occurred
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/article-862833
MIM:The funding and platforming of Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib by 'Jewish' organizations is a continuation of the "Konzeptia' insanity which led to the the carnage of the two intifadas and culminated (for now) in the jihad rampage and massacre on October 7th. The 'painful concessions' by Israel which led to the first Intifada from 1987 until 1973 that resulted the signing of the Oslo Accords resulted in thousands of Israelis being murdered and maimed by Muslim jihadists claiming to be 'Palestinians'.
MIM: The First Intifada was waged from 1987-1993 and played a role in then PM Yitzhak Rabins' decision to sign the Oslo Accords. The Second Intifada was a direct result of the Oslo Accords. The October 7th massacre was the predictable consequence of Israel's 'ceasefire agreement' with Hamas.
"[The first] intifada was violent from the start. During the first four years of the uprising, more than 3,600 Molotov cocktail attacks, 100 hand grenade attacks and 600 assaults with guns or explosives were reported by the Israel Defense Forces. The violence was directed at soldiers and civilians alike. During this period, 16 Israeli civilians and 11 soldiers were killed by Palestinians in the territories; more than 1,400 Israeli civilians and 1,700 Israeli soldiers were injured.
Throughout the intifada, the PLO played a lead role in orchestrating the insurrection. The PLO-dominated Unified Leadership of the Intifada (UNLI), for example, frequently issued leaflets dictating which days violence was to be escalated, and who was to be its target. The PLO's leadership of the uprising was challenged by the fundamentalist Islamic organization Hamas, a violently anti-Semitic group that rejects any peace negotiations with Israel."
The Second Intifada: 2000-2005
"More Israelis were killed during the Second Intifada – 1,053, according to Foreign Ministry figures – than were killed in the 1956 Sinai Campaign (231), the 1967 Six day War (776) or the 2006 Second Lebanon War (164). More civilians, about 70% of the total fatalities, were killed in the Second Intifada than in any campaign with the exception of the War of Independence, when 2,400 civilians were among the 6,400 Israeli dead."
https://www.jpost.com/arab-israeli-conflict/the-second-intifada-a-defining-event-that-reshaped-the-nation-642644
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In 2025 Alkhatib wrote:
"Palestinian advocacy must move beyond slogans and inherited narratives. We need an approach that embraces multiple truths, rejects the culture of glorified violence, and prioritizes genuine state-building. Acknowledging Israeli suffering does not undermine our cause; it deepens the seriousness of our critique. If we want a different outcome, we must choose a different path – focused on bridges rather than boycotts."
MIM: In 1994 Yasser Arafat spoke in Arabic to his coreligionists at a mosque in South Africa about his tactical motive for signing on to the Oslo Accords:
"This has to be understood by everybody. The permanent state of Israel? No! The permanent state of Palestine! (Applause).
"Yes, it is the permanent state of Palestine.
"This agreement. I am not considering it more than the agreement which had been signed between our Prophet Mohammad and Quraish."
For those unfamiliar with the Quraish event, here is the story: The Jews of Mecca defeated the army of Mohammad, and reached an agreement with him. He later returned in greater strength and slaughtered them after they had left themselves defenseless by believing that Mohammad was a man of his word.
"We are in need of you as Muslims. As warriors of Jihad."
And this legacy continued when Arafat was replaced by Mahmoud Abbas
(Abbas is the fuhrer of the PA (Paid Assassins) which pretends to oppose Hamas just as Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib claims he does.)
Abbas said, "Every martyr will reach paradise, and every wounded will be rewarded by Allah!"
He also has said, "Every drop of blood spilled in Jerusalem is pure blood as long as it's for the sake of Allah."
And "Blood must be spilled because the Jews are desecrating the Islamic holy places "with their filthy feet."
The deception continues until today and much of the naïve progressive world is in the camp of the deceivers.
Or maybe they are not naïve?
Can it be that they support the ultimate Palestinian Arab goal which is not peace alongside the Jewish state but a peace without Israel, and without Jews?
https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/365095
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MIM:In a short video made by the Atlantic Council & Realign For Palestine Ahmed AlKhatib virtue signaled that despite his unverifiable claims that he had been a victim of Israeli defensive actions in Gaza he decided to build "Bridges Not Boycotts"
MIM:The partial transcript is below and proves he is a jihadist employing a false narrative straight from the PA-PLO playbook. "War Is Deceit" is a jihad strategy said to originate from Muhammad. This taqiyya (lying to infidels to further the cause of Islam) was epitomized by PLO founder and fuhrer Yasser Arafat when he and then Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin signed the Oslo Accords.
"Multiple things can be true at once. October 7th was a horrendous massacre and what's happening in Gaza is an utter disaster."
"The Jewish people do have historical roots to the land, even though I know that my family and grandparents have lived there for hundreds of years.The two don't have to cancel each other out. To me the acknowledgment of the humanity and the suffering of Israelis actually bolsters my condemnation of Israeli policies."
MIM: Translation- I recognize that the Jewish people have historical ROOTS to the land (in the same way the native Indians do in America), but my family's claim is the only legitimate one because we have been here for hundreds of years' in a brazen attempt to the invert and invalidate the historical record aka The Torah.
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MIM: In October 2024 'Peace Activist' Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib wrote about his Whatsapp video meeting in 2017 with Yahya Sinwar and his friend Khaled. Khatib pitched his proposal for construction of an airport in Gaza and told Sinwar about his California based 501c3 "Project Unified Assistance". Alkhabtib wrote that Sinwar "gave his preliminary approval while cautioning me against the facility becoming a "hub of spies" for those seeking to undermine Hamas and "the resistance".Needless to say Ahmed Fouad Khatib 'assured him (Sinwar) that it would not."
"I Spoke to Yahya Sinwar in 2017. What I Learned Is More Relevant Than Ever | Opinion By Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib"
Oct 21, 2024
In 2017, I was awaiting a call from a friend in the Gaza Strip over a WhatsApp video. When it finally came, my friend Khaled was sitting in the living room of Yahya Sinwar, who agreed to discuss my Gaza airport proposal
Back then, I was advocating the establishment of an internationally-run, Israeli and IDF-approved airfield in Gaza to address the lack of freedom of movement for the Strip's civilian population through non-Egyptian and non-Israeli points of entry and exit. Central to my proposal was that Hamas would have no part in administering the facility and would have to agree to an international presence that would handle all security, to ensure that there would be no smuggling or nefarious activities which would benefit the terror group and harm Israeli security.
Sinwar asked questions about my true intentions in promoting the proposal. He wanted to know why I cared so much about aviation as a way to help the people of Gaza. He gave a preliminary approval for the proposal, while cautioning me against the facility becoming a "hub of spies" for those seeking to undermine Hamas and the "resistance."
I assured him that Israel, the Arabs, and the international community have an abundance of technological means through which they could spy on Hamas, and that an airport would be the least significant mechanism through which the group could be undermined. And that was that.
Looking back at the 40-minute video call, I remember a reasonable man who was highly paranoid and uncertain what to make of me."
The generally elusive leader of Hamas made his career in the Islamist group by establishing a counterintelligence apparatus to detect and eliminate Palestinians who acted as informants for Israel against militants. Israeli authorities imprisoned him for crimes associated with this role, but Sinwar was ultimately released in 2011 as part of a prisoner deal to release Israeli soldier Gilad Shalit in exchange for hundreds of Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails.
The year that I spoke to Sinwar was the same year in which he assumed the leadership of Hamas, ousting Ismail Haniyeh from the helm and initiating the transformation of the terror group that ultimately led to the October 7 attack against Israel in 2023. "Abu Ibrahim" enabled the hardliner militants in the group's "al-Qassam Brigades" to take center stage in Hamas's ruthless calculus and to turn the guys with the guns from hidden shadowy figures into central decision-makers who influenced the trajectory of planning and priorities. In a sense, October 7 was the crowning of Sinwar's ascent to power in Hamas, whereby he, Mohammed Deif, and other military commanders of the terror group mounted a coup against the "hotel leadership" in Doha, Lebanon, and Turkey.
The killing of Sinwar last week was rightly viewed as a significant milestone in Israel's war against Hamas following the October 7 massacre, which Sinwar directed and masterminded to trigger a regional conflict to disrupt the prospect of Israeli-Saudi normalization.
Though his elimination seemed to be unplanned, it does present the Israeli government and all interested parties with an opportunity that should be capitalized upon to begin the end of the war in Gaza.
Sinwar most definitely put in motion a series of contingency plans for his eventual death, even after the group elected him as its leader following the assassination of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran back in July. Hamas has been reduced mainly to disparate splintered cells that lack a functional command and control leadership structure to receive instructions and orders. This reality can be exploited to get some mid-level Hamas commanders to stand down and potentially pursue a ceasefire-hostage deal and end the fighting. Incentives to release the hostages and even buy back some weaponry from Hamas may now be more feasible than ever before.
Although many in Hamas are ideologically trained to be suicidal and never to give up, some are indeed susceptible to material gains, particularly as they face the lack of an off-ramp to allow themselves and their families safe passage out of a losing war. Most importantly, now is the time to gradually introduce international, Arab, and even Palestinian alternatives to Hamas governance in Gaza. This would entail addressing the humanitarian crisis and require gradual IDF withdrawals from areas that need to be considered safe zones, while allowing new structures and elements to take over security and humanitarian responsibilities slowly.
As Israel faces the specter of an all-out war with Iran, not to mention the expanding conflict with Hezbollah and Lebanon, pursuing an end to the war in Gaza would be beneficial to all parties involved. Though there are still elements of Hamas that have access to weaponry and lack explicit instructions to stand down, now is the time to exploit the chaos after Sinwar's killing and create a division that could see the release of Israeli hostages and the fragmenting of Hamas's remaining fighters.
Importantly, now is the time for financial and other incentives to inspire the end of the war through defections and localized deals with remaining Hamas fighters in pursuit of the release of the remaining Israeli hostages being held throughout the Gaza Strip.
Failure to act expediently and decisively risks the killing of Sinwar being a nothing event that neither weakens remnants of Hamas nor allows for an alternative to emerge in Gaza in which the Strip's Palestinian residents are inspired to see a future beyond Hamas's rule and its armed resistance narrative.
My 2017 conversation with Sinwar leaves me concerned that because he is both a psychopathic murderer and a calculated, rational actor, his ruthlessness could outfox all who underestimate his nefarious and deadly designs for a war that is changing the Middle East. That is why all stakeholders should apply maximal pressure on relevant parties to end the war in Gaza now.
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib is a resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council and writes extensively on Gaza's political and humanitarian affairs.
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MIM: Alkhatib's PLO narrative that peace between Israelis and 'Palestinians' will only be possible if Gazan Jew killers are given a Palestinian State ignoring the fact that Israelis who survived the 'education by murder' of the Al Aqsa Flood massacre are no longer supporting a Two State Final Solution.
MIM: Former Knesset member and leader of the Zehut (Identity) party Moshe Feiglin posted a short video in whch he explains that blaming Hamas for the jihad and Jew hatred in Gaza are 'drinking the halal Koolaid' and by extension absolving the Muslim world and Gazans of any responsibility for the 'Al Aqsa Flood' massacre despite recent polls reveal that the majority of Muslims in Gaza are proud of the Oct.7 genocidal slaughter of Jews in Israel and would vote overwhelmingly for jailed Jew killer Marwan Barghouti, is to be their new fuhrer.
AI: "Marwan Barghouti, an imprisoned Fatah leader serving five life sentences in Israel, is consistently ranked as the most popular Palestinian political figure, often viewed as a unifier capable of leading both the West Bank and Gaza. Despite over two decades in jail, polls show he would easily win a presidential election against Mahmoud Abbas and Hamas leaders.
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MIM: Former MK Moshe Feiglin, leader of the Zehut (Identity) Party posted a video on Instagram and warned about the danger of the false narrative being propagated by 'moderate Islamonazis' like Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib who are part of a lucrative cottage industry of self proclaimed 'Moderate Muslims and Muslim Reformers' whose relevance is totally dependent on Jewish support.j
In January Alkhatib addressed Jews at the 'orthodox adjacent' Highgate Synagouge. An article announcing the upcoming event in the Jewish News was headlined "Critic Of Hamas From Gaza Family To Address Jewish-led Jewish Event" The event was titled "Seek Peace and Pursue It" and was described as being "part of a wider effort to mobilise what organisers describe as British Jews who reject both Hamas extremism and hardline Israeli policies." (This is the same 'Islamospeak' and false equivance of placing the Israeli governmet in the same category as the Islamonazi barbarians Hamas. It is a 'blood libel' used by Hamas opponents like Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib, Jew killer Marwan Barghouti and PA (Paid Assassins) fuher Mahmoud Abbas!
"Supporting organisers and contributors include leaders from Masorti Judaism, the Board of Deputies of British Jews, the Union of Jewish Students, JW3 and the Movement for Progressive Judaism, among others. Organisers say the gathering reflects a desire within the Jewish community to support Israel while also speaking openly about the need for democratic values, accountability and a change of course.
The event is being presented as part of a wider effort to mobilise what organisers describe as a silent majority of British Jews who reject both Hamas extremism and hardline Israeli policies, and who believe meaningful peace will require dialogue, moral clarity and political courage."
https://www.jewishnews.co.uk/gaza-born-critic-of-hamas-to-address-london-jewish-peace-rally/
Alkhathib
Q.Why does this 'peace activist' NEVER speak at mosques or any Islamic institutions and address a Muslim audience.
A. Because he is totally irrelevant and only useful idiots and Jews4Jihad pay attention to him!
MIM: Moshe Feiglin told the truth in a recent posting on Instagram. "This was not "just Hamas". It was an entity that voted for it, supports it and (still) celebrates what was done."
Feiglin:
"Before October 7th, world leaders who came to Israel were taken to Yad Vashem.
Not to justify Israel's existence - but to understand what happens to Jews when they have no state.
October 7th exposed a deeper and more painful truth: even when Jews do have a state, they can still be massacred - if evil is allowed to survive.
This was not "just Hamas."
This was an entity that voted for it, supports it, and celebrates what was done.
You cannot claim nationhood and deny responsibility at the same time.
This evil is worse than Nazism.
The Nazis tried to hide their crimes.
These Islamo-Nazis filmed them, celebrated them, and sanctified them.
Allowing such evil to remain is not morality.
It is moral collapse.
https://www.instagram.com/reel/DUBesKnjfDK/?igsh=MXQwcjV0dHFhbjZmNQ%3D%3D
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On January 27,2026 Fern Sidman of AFSI wrote the definitive obituary for the Two State Solution:
From Ashes to Resolve: The Return of Ran Gvili and the Shattering of the Two-State Illusion
Excerpts:
[The]recovery of Ran Gvili is not only a moment of mourning—it is a moment of reckoning. A symbol of a broader truth they believe has now been irreversibly clarified: that the concept of Palestinian statehood, long promoted as a pathway to peace, has instead become a perceived existential threat to Israel's survival.
For decades, the two-state solution functioned as a kind of diplomatic creed in Western political discourse…
Even before October 7, polls consistently showed that most Israelis feared a Palestinian state would be used as a springboard to attack Israel, especially at its most vulnerable nine-mile-wide points along the coast."
That geographical reference is not rhetorical flourish—it is strategic reality. At its narrowest point, Israel is only nine miles wide. In military terms, this represents a vulnerability unmatched by most modern nation-states. A hostile entity operating from adjacent territory would possess not only tactical advantage, but existential leverage.
After October 7, the idea of a Palestinian state seems to most Israelis to constitute a direct threat to Israel's existence. The best way to make sure Israeli families do not suffer for 843 days the way the Gvili family has is to prevent a Palestinian state."
This framing transforms the debate. Palestinian statehood is no longer presented as a diplomatic question, but as a security doctrine—one tied directly to survival, deterrence, and the prevention of future national trauma. In this worldview, the two-state solution is not a peace framework but a strategic liability.
The recovery of Ran Gvili's remains has therefore become more than a humanitarian event. It has become a moral and political catalyst. His story now embodies a narrative that extends far beyond individual heroism: the price of vulnerability, the cost of misplaced trust, and the human toll of strategic miscalculation.
The political implications are profound. If Palestinian statehood is no longer seen by large segments of Israeli society as a path to peace, but as a platform for future violence, then the entire architecture of international diplomacy toward the conflict faces a legitimacy crisis. The language of "solution" itself becomes suspect.
What replaces it remains uncertain. But the direction of sentiment is clear. The trauma of October 7 has re-centered Israeli political thought around existential security rather than diplomatic symmetry. Concepts such as coexistence, compromise, and mutual recognition—once pillars of peace discourse—are increasingly filtered through a lens of survival.
For organizations such as AFSI, this shift represents not radicalization, but realism. They argue that peace frameworks detached from security realities become moral abstractions that ultimately produce more suffering, not less. In this interpretation, Palestinian statehood is not an unfinished peace project—it is a failed paradigm.
The return of Ran Gvili thus becomes more than closure. It becomes indictment. Indictment of illusions, of diplomatic formulas divorced from lived reality, and of international narratives that, in the eyes of many Israelis, minimize existential risk."
Full article is posted below.
https://tjvnews.com/news/israel/from-ashes-to-resolve-the-return-of-ran-gvili-and-the-shattering-of-the-two-state-illusion/
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MIM: Below is some preliminary biographical information about Alkhatib:
"Growing Up In Gaza: Alkhatib spent the first years of his life living in Saudi Arabia, where his Palestinian-born parents were working in the medical field. He would visit family in Gaza several times a year but didn't move there until he was 10. His family moved back just three months before the Second Intifada a particularly violent time between Israel and the Palestinian territories."
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MIM: In 2017 Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib arrived at Ben Gurion Airport in Israel where he was detained,strip searched,and had his US passport confiscated and put on a flight out of Israel.I received political asylum status in the United States, and 6 years later, became an American citizen. I was born in Saudi Arabia where my father worked as a physician for the Saudi Government.
US PASSPORT HOLDER AHMED FOUAD ALKHATIB WAS REFUSED ENTRYTO ISRAEL AND DEPORTED UPON HIS ARRIVAL DUE TO SECURITY CONCERNS - SO WHY IS THE WEITZMAN MUSEUM OF AMERICAN JEWISH HISTORY INVITING HIM INSIDE THEIR BUILDING?
A FAILED TRIP TO JERUSALEM
May 24, 2017, 11:25 AM
by Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib
Despite adequate preparations, checking with official Israeli contacts, thousands of dollars in reservations, and the intense firestorm against me for saying that I would be visiting Israel, Jerusalem was a destination too far.
Twelve years after leaving the Gaza Strip and settling in the United States, where I was naturalized as a citizen, I wanted to visit the Holy Land and explore the beauty that had been forbidden to me as a former resident of the coastal enclave.
Palestinian youth obtain their ID cards at the age of 16 through a lengthy but relatively routine process. I left Gaza when I was 15. During the conflict between Hamas and Fatah in the Gaza Strip in 2007, I applied for and received political asylum in the US. In most circumstances, this process entails surrendering previous nationalities.
In my particular case, the US classified me as "stateless" due to geopolitical and individual considerations. When my parents inquired about my ID, a Palestinian Authority official was of the opinion that, due to my status in the US, I would no longer be able to obtain one.
In April of 2017 – three years after obtaining US citizenship – I began planning what I believed would be a straightforward visit to Jerusalem and Tel Aviv. I had never been to either, and my sister had received a scholarship to attend the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. Additionally, my father was going to Israel for medical treatment and I thought it would be a rare opportunity to see him and my mother, who was accompanying him out of Gaza. There were also several Israeli friends I was hoping to meet in person, many of whom share with me an unrelenting desire to work on grassroots level to plant the seeds for peace and coexistence. After checking with the Israeli consulate in San Francisco, I began making plans.
Sadly, as in many things related to the Israel-Palestine conflict, nothing was quite straightforward.
The craziness began on Facebook. A little less than a week before my trip I made an innocuous post, sharing my excitement at the prospect of visiting Israel for fun. I didn't mention that I'd be seeing my parents or attending my sister's wedding. Within minutes, dozens of angry, hateful and at times threatening comments began appearing on my post. Why? Because I dared use the word "Israel" to describe my destination. It was Palestinians, Palestinian-Americans, "solidarity" activists and many others with seemingly no direct ties to the conflict that were writing these comments.
There were human rights advocates, a well-known musician, a founder of a start-up incubator in Jerusalem funded by the US consulate and Sisco (who recruited several of his seemingly-elite friends to send me hateful, threatening messages), NGO managers and a few academics. There was even an Ashkenazi Jewish Israeli who scolded me for my "objectionable views," as well as a Latino American who took issue with the fact that my views were different from those of other Palestinians he knew. Over 200 people unfriended me within 24 hours.
It was very painful to receive so much anger, hate and even threats of violence for simply stating what is an indisputable fact. As someone who strongly cares about his homeland and is dedicating his life to the service of its people, I think it is absurd for some to accuse me of betrayal, of selling out, or of naïveté for the mere mentioning of Israel's name. Despite the terrible experience on Facebook, I was determined to enjoy my upcoming trip and was consoled by the generous support and encouragement of many of my Palestinian, Jewish and Israeli friends who were eager to host and show me around.
Unfortunately, what followed was more agony and disappointment.
Upon landing at Ben Gurion Airport, my US passport was taken away at the border control booth while I was instructed to sit in a holding area. After a lengthy wait, I was directed into a room where I was asked numerous questions about my family background, family members' names, places of residence, and other details. Though I had expected some degree of questioning, the type of questions was alarming in that they were strictly focused on my background as someone from Gaza, despite the fact that I hadn't been in the Strip for 12 years. I knew that something unpleasant had commenced.
After answering all the questions, I was sent to another room with three officers, who gave me a terrible piece of news: "You will not be admitted into Israel because you have a Palestinian ID number." I argued vociferously that as a US citizen through political asylum, I had essentially given up my Palestinian citizenship and that I did not hold any official status in the Territories. Despite repeated offers to show documentation, including my communications with the Israeli consulate in San Francisco, the border control officers were not interested and said that I need a special permit to enter Israel through Ben Gurion Airport.
One officer said that she had checked with the army, which told her that I was not to be admitted without a special permit. "Can we generate the permit now?" I pleaded, to no avail. The officers pulled up a program on their computer, all in Hebrew, and showed me a picture of myself from when I was a child. "This is me in my early teens," I said. "What's your point?" As far as Israeli databases were concerned, I was still an "active Palestinian citizen," and would be treated accordingly.
This despite my new citizenship, and my lack of any documents pertaining to my previous citizenship – no passport, no ID card. I offered to put down a $3,000 security deposit, and showed thousands of dollars of hotel and tour reservations in Israel, but was still told no. I asked if it would be possible to be routed through Jordan; the answer was, predictably, no.
I was next taken to a security room for an invasive strip search in which every part of me was probed and scrutinized by an officer. I felt humiliated. I felt violated.
A complete stranger was feeling me up in the most intimate way. My body and items were swiped repeatedly by bomb-detecting probes. The officers even made me open my factory-sealed snack bars to ensure that nothing nefarious was hidden in them.
I was told that I would be deported, and that I would not have access to my passport until returning to the US. I asked if I could at least get it back in Turkey so that I could stay in Istanbul for a few days with my brother and friends.
An officer yelled at me: "Stop talking! Be quiet! We are the Border Police; we control what happens to you, and only we decide what to do with you." The holding area was a disgusting corner of the airport where I practically had to beg a security officer to let me go to the bathroom. He accompanied me all the way to the stall.
I lost thousands of dollars on this trip. I was tormented, isolated, humiliated and made to feel like a criminal. I lost my credit and debit cards, and with no passport, no access to funds, zero support from the US consulate and embassy in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, respectively, and no idea how this deportation would proceed, the feeling of statelessness which I had last experienced over a decade ago was upon me again under the most terrifying of circumstances.
This began as a journey to reunite with some family members and to meet my peace- and coexistence-promoting Israeli friends. It ended as a demoralizing and degrading experience that created more barriers and obstacles.
Both sides brought me to points at which I felt like giving up.
But I won't. I will not be hateful or bitter. I forgive the Israeli officers who treated me badly. For their attitudes and behavior to be different next time, I know that ceaseless, committed grassroots Israeli and Palestinian efforts toward mutual respect and understanding must prevail.
About the Author
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib is a nonprofit administrator who is a naturalized American citizen from Gaza City and provides analysis and opinions on the Gaza Strip's affairs and politics
The author is a naturalized US citizen from the Gaza Strip and based in San Francisco, California. He is the founder of Project Unified Assistance which advocates for the establishment of a humanitarian, IDF-approved airport in the Gaza Strip.
https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/a-failed-trip-to-jerusalem/
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Fouad Al Khatib
"Palestinian advocacy must move beyond slogans and inherited narratives. We need an approach that embraces multiple truths, rejects the culture of glorified violence, and prioritizes genuine state-building. Acknowledging Israeli suffering does not undermine our cause; it deepens the seriousness of our critique. If we want a different outcome, we must choose a different path – focused on bridges rather than boycotts."
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An Israeli Airstrike on Gaza Nearly Killed Me. But I Recognize Both Sides' Trauma
Follow
April 30, 2017
"Israel expelled my grandparents in 1948. My parents grew up in Gaza's appalling refugee camps. Israeli bombs killed my close friend meters away from me. But I still believe coexistence can work."
MIM: In 2017 Ahmed AlKhatib started a California based 501c3 called 'Project Unified Assistance'
"We should be deeply concerned that hundreds of thousands of Gaza youth are growing up in such dire humanitarian circumstances. This makes the Strip's children extremely vulnerable to radicalization and to violent tendencies, which would further harm Israel's long-term security.There isn't much time left to reverse the ongoing humanitarian disaster in Gaza. Improving the situation there would be good for its residents, for Israel and for the region. A humanitarian airport is a good place to start, and now is a great time."
https://www.jpost.com/opinion/an-airport-in-gaza-for-the-benefit-of-all-482943
Project Unified Assistence (PUA) promoting the construction of an airport in Gaza.It is a 501c3 based in California.
"Let There Be An Airport in Gaza"
2017
"In 2015, I, with the help of advisers, consultants and volunteers, decided to launch Project Unified Assistance (PUA) which is a US-based nonprofit organization, to create a dedicated organizational framework that seeks to grow the Gaza humanitarian airport concept and push for its expedient implementation." https://blogs.timesofisrael.com/let-there-be-an-airport-in-gaza/
MIM: Alkhatib's newest grift is his organization called 'Realign For Palestine' which is a blatant scam given the fact that after the British Mandate ended there was, still is and can never a country called Palestine.
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Realign For Palestine
"The Realign For Palestine (RFP) project at the Atlantic Council aims to amplify pragmatic and rational voices that courageously hold multiple truths, advocating for Palestinian statehood and self-determination, and asserting that the two-nation solution is the only credible, humane path forward for peace between the Palestinian and Israeli people.
https://realignforpalestine.org/#what-we-stand-for
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MIM:After Oct. 7th Israeli security officials began investigating UNRWA's role in the Al Aqsa Flood massacre. UNRWA 'employees' were caught on surveillance film participating in the slaughter of 1,200 Jews inside Israel. The 'United Nazis Weapons Resource Agency' (UNRWA) was complicit in letting Hamas and other jihadist groups use their hospitals,schools and facilities as a base of operations which included attacks on IDF soldiers and concealing Israeli hostages.On Oct.15,2024 Alkhatib whose father was the UNRWA director of and doctor in the Jabiliya 'refugee camp' until around 2015 posted a short video in which he blamed the Israeli government for 'dismantling' the 'humaniterrorism' organization and opined that it should be 'reformed' instead.
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"UNRWA is an organization with a complicated history. I was a child of UNRWA schools and UNRWA support. It is true that Hamas has embedded themselves into some areas of UNRWA's work and infrastructure, but dismantling the organization would crush this crucial lifeline for millions of Palestinians.
It's time for a real solution: reform UNRWA, hold Hamas accountable, and stop the blanket lies that only fuel more suffering. "
#UNRWA #ExposeHamas #JusticeForPalestine
October 15, 2024
https://www.instagram.com/reel/DBJbpz7tNmv/
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Realign For Palestine
Dec.9, 2025
@rfpalestine
Realign For Palestine,
, promotes radical pragmatism, the rejection of violence, the pursuit of peace, and progress for Palestinians.Washington, DC
"Palestinian advocacy must move beyond slogans and inherited narratives. We need an approach that embraces multiple truths, rejects the culture of glorified violence, and prioritizes genuine state-building. Acknowledging Israeli suffering does not undermine our cause; it deepens the seriousness of our critique. If we want a different outcome, we must choose a different path – focused on bridges rather than boycotts."
MIM:In a short video made by the Atlantic Council & Realign For Palestine Ahmed AlKhatib virtue signaled that 'despite having been a victim of Israeli defensive actions in Gaza he decided to build "Bridges Not Boycotts"
The partial transcript is below and proves he is a stealth jihadist employing a false narrative straight from the PA-PLO playbook.
"Multiple things can be true at once. October 7th was a horrendous massacre and what's happening in Gaza is an utter disaster." The Jewish people do have historical roots to the land,even though I know that my family and grandparents have lived there for hundreds of years.The two don't have to cancel each other out. To me the acknowledgment of the humanity and the suffering of Israelis actually bolsters my condemnation of Israeli policies."
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MIM: In 2017 Alkhatib wrote a screed in an Israeli newspaper explaining why the United Nazis (UN) should build an airport in Gaza.
"Let there be an airport in Gaza"
A dream of local UN humanitarian aviation that could alleviate untenable living conditions for 2 million Gazans
FEB 27, 2017
"In June of 2000, my family and I landed at Gaza's then-operational International Airport after permanently moving back from Saudi Arabia where my father had worked as a physician.We were onboard a Palestinian Airlines Boeing 727, donated by billionaire Saudi businessman and philanthropist, Al-Waleed bin Talal. Like many Palestinians, my family and I were jubilant that a trip that used to take more than a day to access Gaza via Egypt or Jordan now took a mere two and a half hours of direct flying into the coastal enclave."
MIM: Excerpt from interview posted in its entirety below:
"So again, that was a physical endpoint to my own trauma. But my family, I have two brothers, two sisters. My father who passed away five years ago. He was an UNRWA director. He was a doctor in the Jabalya refugee camp up north.
My oldest brother is currently in Gaza. He runs a British medical NGO.
My baby sister left Gaza in 2016.
She's in Jerusalem. She's a cancer researcher and I have a sister in the UAE and my middle brother, he was a doctor for UNRWA. He ran the beach camp and he left and went over to Germany like one year before October 7th.
I mean, they experienced the collapse of Gaza basically under Hamas's rise with all the wars, with the blockade, with all the restrictions, with the poverty, with the horrendous degradation of the quality of life, the worsening of not just the conditions, but basically the stalemate that hit the Palestinian national project as a whole and all the associated trauma that became ten x, what it was when I lived there."
https://www.jtsa.edu/torah/etc-ahmed-fouad-alkhatib/
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MIM:Excerpt from "The Palestinian Who Refuses To Follow The Script"
Well, I've said my story so many times it's hard to remember where to start, but what I will briefly share is that I'll share three milestones, if you will, of my childhood.
One is that I experienced the tail end of the Oslo process as well as the second Intifada in Gaza. And I like to usually highlight the contrast between the two because we did have an era where we had Palestinian passports.
This was the Palestinian Authority coming into the Gaza Strip. I lived in Gaza City up in the north in a family building where each uncle had a floor. There was Palestinian Airlines and the short-lived Gaza International Airport where I flew into multiple times in 1999 and in the year 2000.
And so I got to experience the optimism, the hope, the ethos of a shift towards the nation-building agenda rather than the perpetual occupation and ensuing resistance narrative.
So, then there was the second Intifada, which commenced in the year 2000 after the collapse really of the peace process.
And so that brought upon a lot of violence, both between Israelis and Palestinians and certainly the escalation of Israeli attacks on Gaza and the what was called as a child, acts of resistance, Muqawama, against Israelis, but it also metastasized internally in terms of the trauma and the hardships and the societal dynamics were really challenging from within the Gaza Strip, from within the society, if you will.
And I certainly saw violence up close, including the year 2001 where I had a very traumatizing near-death experience with the loss of two friends of mine who were killed in an Israeli bombardment, bombing of a police station. The concussive wave of the blast rendered me largely deaf in my left ear. And then I was really determined at the time at the age of 11 to pursue options to go outside of Gaza and just to explore ways in which I could leave. And that happened at the age of 15 when I was able to obtain a scholarship to come to the United States as an exchange student for a year, live with a host family with the idea of going back to Gaza once the program finished." https://thevoicesofwar.com/ahmed-fouad-alkhatib-the-palestinian-who-refuses-the-script/
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BR: Excerpts of Alkhatibs'recent talk at a synagogue in London in which he appropriated Holocaust terminology
"Highgate Synagogue on Tuesday evening.
A Palestinian analyst from Gaza has told a London synagogue audience that lasting peace between Israelis and Palestinians is impossible while Iran's current regime remains in power, warning that international peace efforts are failing and urging Jewish communities not to retreat in the face of hostility.
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib tells Highgate Synagogue audience Iran blocks peace and urges Jews to "stand proud"
January 21, 2026
"Reflecting on his own position, Alkhatib told the audience: "I'm not here as a victim. I'm a survivor."
Addressing the Jewish audience directly, Alkhatib spoke about the pressures facing Jewish communities amid rising antisemitism and polarisation, urging confidence rather than retreat.
"Don't be apologetic about your Jewish identity," he said. "You don't need to apologise for being pro-Israel."
The evening was opened by Jewish News news editor and co-publisher Justin Cohen, who framed the discussion as part of Jewish News' commitment to challenging extremism while continuing dialogue beyond the Jewish community.
"Supporting the rights of Palestinians doesn't mean turning your back on the basic rights of Israelis and Jews," Cohen said.
Cohen also highlighted Alkhatib's engagement with Israeli hostage families in both the UK and the United States, despite Alkhatib having lost more than 30 members of his own extended family in Gaza during the war.
The discussion was chaired by Rabbi Liss, who said the aim of the event was to expose the community to complex perspectives at a moment of heightened tension.The event took place amid continued mourning within Jewish communities over victims of terrorism and war."
https://www.jewishnews.co.uk/gaza-analyst-says-peace-impossible-while-iran-regime-endures-in-first-address-to-orthodox-synagogue/?
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Records Seized by Israel Show Hamas Presence in U.N. SchoolsWhile Israel asserts that the United Nations has tried to minimize the problem, the global organization says Israeli officials are waging an unfair campaign to discredit it.
By Jo Becker and Adam Rasgon
Reporting from Jerusalem and Tel Aviv
Dec. 8, 2024
To his students, Ahmad al-Khatib was a deputy principal at an elementary school in Gaza run by the United Nations agency for Palestinian refugees. To Hamas's military wing, documents say, he was something else entirely: an infantryman operating out of the southern Gaza city of Khan Younis.
The military wing, known as the Qassam Brigades, kept meticulous records of its fighters, tracking the weapons they were issued and regularly evaluating everything from their fitness to their loyalty.
Mr. al-Khatib, an employee of the U.N. agency since 2013, was among them: Secret internal Hamas documents shared with The New York Times by the Israeli government say that he held the rank of squad commander, was an expert in ground combat and had been given at least a dozen weapons, including a Kalashnikov and hand grenades.
The refugee agency, known as UNRWA, operated schools across Gaza before they were shuttered in the wake of Hamas's Oct. 7 attack on Israel and the ensuing war. The agency, which employs roughly 13,000 people, including thousands in the schools, has a duty to maintain the neutrality of its facilities in the conflict zones in which it operates, including by keeping militants off its premises and payrolls.
But interviews and an analysis of the records shared with The Times by the Israeli military and foreign ministry indicate that Mr. al-Khatib was one of at least 24 people employed by UNRWA — in 24 different schools — who were members of Hamas or Islamic Jihad, another militant group. Before the war, the agency was responsible for a total of 288 schools, housed in 200 different building compounds, in Gaza.
A majority were top administrators at the schools — principals or deputy principals — and the rest were school counselors and teachers, the documents say. Almost all of the Hamas-linked educators, according to the records, were fighters in the Qassam Brigades.
The Israeli military said it had obtained the trove of documents during its campaign in Gaza. While The Times had no way to independently authenticate used the buildings for military purposes and to hide its fighters, making them legitimate targets under international law. But the United Nations says that Israeli strikes on schools have likely violated the law by causing disproportionate harm to noncombatants.
Among the seized records are secret Hamas military plans that show that the Qassam Brigades regarded schools and other civilian facilities as "the best obstacles to protect the resistance" in the group's asymmetric war with Israel. The documents also list two schools in particular that were to be used as redoubts where fighters could hide and stash weapons in a conflict.
The Israeli government shared the documents at The Times's request, after Israeli officials had circulated a list of 100 UNRWA workers it alleged were militants. The Times asked for documents specifically related to school employees, who, as a sizable subset of the agency's employees, offer a window into the evidence behind Israel's claims.
The seized records — coupled with interviews of current and former UNRWA employees, residents and former students in Gaza — offer the most detailed evidence yet of the extent of Hamas's presence inside UNRWA schools. In several cases, educators remained employed by UNRWA even after Israel provided written warnings that they were militants.
The group's presence in education appears to have extended beyond Gaza's borders: In September, Hamas annouced the death of its leader in Lebanon a school principal and a former head of UNRWA's teachers' union in that country.
Israel has long accused UNRWA of doing too little to prevent infiltration by Hamas. Earlier this year, Israel alleged that 18 of the agency's workers participated in the Oct. 7 attack, and several countries that fund UNRWA suspended donations.
In October, the Israeli Parliament passed legislation aimed at shutting down UNRWA's Gaza and West Bank operations and it has recently briefed diplomats from countries that fund UNRWA on the documents shared with The Times.
While Israel asserts that other aid agencies could perform UNRWA's functions, humanitarian officials worry that the abrupt transition Israel seeks could be catastrophic.
UNRWA has said it takes allegations that staff members were militants seriously. In response to the Times inquiry into the documents, UNRWA officials said that the agency had put one employee on administrative leave and that the United Nations had requested more information from Israel on about 10 others.
Philippe Lazzarini, UNRWA's commissioner general, said the agency had struggled to get information from Israel that would allow it to act on the allegations. He added pointedly that it was "extraordinarily interesting" that the Israeli government had not chosen to share the materials with the agency itself.
But he also acknowledged that UNRWA lacked the resources to independently investigate such allegations.
"We have always been clear that we are not an intelligence or security type of organization," Mr. Lazzarini said in an interview.
Israeli officials, for their part, said that the United Nations had tried to minimize the problem. They have expressed frustration about how the United Nations responded when Israel shared detailed intelligence earlier this year about the 18 UNRWA workers it accused of participating in Oct. 7.
"The U.N. seems intent on portraying this problem as a few bad apples, rather than acknowledging that the tree is rotten," said Amir Weissbrod, the foreign ministry's deputy director for international organizations.
Basem Naim, a spokesman for Hamas, declined to comment
The Times could not most of the educators named in the documents because their phone numbers were not working, they did not respond to messages on social media, and it is difficult to track down people in a war zone where Israel largely bars reporters from entering.
Residents of Gaza said in interviews that the idea that Hamas had operatives in UNRWA schools was an open secret. One educator on Israel's list of 100 was regularly seen after hours in Hamas fatigues carrying a Kalashnikov.
The documents do not indicate whether all of the 24 educators participated in active combat. But the records, along with interviews, do indicate that at least one-third of them were given the tools to do so.
Take, for instance, Mustafa al-Farra and Ayman al-Alami, who are listed as UNRWA teachers in Jabalia and Khan Younis. Multiple Qassam Brigades personnel documents seized by Israel separately list them as fighters. In addition, records bearing the military wing's letterhead show that Mr. al-Farra was issued an AK-47, while Mr. al-Alami participated in a Hamas rocket-launching training course in 2023.
Before Oct. 7, Israel did not consider uncovering Hamas ties to UNRWA an intelligence priority. Still, intelligence analysts would occasionally uncover evidence of Hamas's infiltration and pass it along.
In 2011, the foreign ministry alerted UNRWA that one of its educators, Naji Abu Aziz, was a Hamas operative, and urged the agency to conduct an investigation. UNRWA did launch an inquiry, but in a letter sent to the foreign ministry at the time, it said that it needed more evidence. The ministry responded that revealing such information could endanger intelligence sources.
Records since seized by the Israeli military list Mr. Abu Aziz as a member of the chemistry unit of Hamas's military manufacturing department. Mr. Abu Aziz's potential link with Hamas also surfaced in 2020 on a Telegram account. A seized Hamas communiqué noted the disclosure, confirmed Mr. Aziz's membership in the chemistry unit of Hamas's military manufacturing department and recommended that the Telegram account be hacked and shut down.
Mr. Abu Aziz is listed in the UNRWA database as the principal of the Khuza'a Prep Boys School.
Image:A picture taken during an escorted tour in Gaza in February showing a tunnel that the Israeli military said was built by Hamas and ran beneath an UNRWA school, eventually leading to a communication hub under UNRWA's Gaza headquarters.Credit...Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times
In other instances, the agency did not fire Hamas operatives after tunnels were discovered under or adjacent to its schools.
In 2017, UNRWA discovered a tunnel that passed under the Maghazi Prep B Boys School in central Gaza. The agency said at the time that it had lodged a protest to Hamas over the tunnel and had moved to seal entrances.
Seized records say that the principal of the school, Khaled al-Masri, is a Hamas member who was issued an assault rifle and a handgun, and he is pictured standing in front of a Hamas banner on Facebook.
He remains on UNRWA's staff, the agency says, but is under investigation for a social media violation.
This February, Israeli officials said, their forces conducted a raid on a tunnel shaft next to another UNRWA school, which led underneath the school to a nearly half-mile-long tunnel equipped with weapons. Seized Hamas records list that principal, Mohammed Shuwaideh, as a deputy squad commander with engineering expertise.
Mr. Lazzarini, the UNRWA official, said that the mere existence of an adjacent shaft did not necessarily implicate the principal. Nevertheless, on Nov. 13, the same day that The Times questioned UNRWA about Mr. Shuwaideh, he was put on administrative leave.
The United Nations has no way to verify that its employees are not members of Hamas or other militant groups, said James Lindsay, who served as UNRWA's general counsel until 2007.
"The U.N. has been unable and or unwilling to eliminate Hamas militants and their supporters, as well as those from other terrorist groups, from their ranks," Mr. Lindsay said. "UNRWA hiring practices and the makeup of the labor pool from which UNRWA draws its employees suggests to me that the numbers the Israelis are talking about are probably pretty close to the truth."
Even for criminal background checks, UNRWA relies on employees to self-report and provide confirmation of a clean record by way of a letter from the "de facto authorities." In Gaza, that means Hamas, and before Hamas took over in 2007, it meant the Palestinian Authority.
Image:A destroyed UNRWA training school in Khan Younis in April.Credit...Mohammed Saber/EPA, via Shutterstock
The most serious effort to investigate potential Hamas members within the agency's employees came after Israel accused the 18 UNRWA workers of involvement in the Oct. 7 attack. In those cases, Israeli officials said they provided video and sensitive intelligence that they say backed up their claims. (A 19th name was dropped after officials said he was misidentified.)
For nine of the workers, the U.N. Office of Internal Oversight Services said there was insufficient evidence to take action. But a copy of its report, which was never made public, says it did not consider evidence that Israel provided about their "alleged membership of the armed wing of Hamas or other militant groups."
U.N. investigators ultimately only found that the other nine "may have" been involved. (In one case, investigators were shown video of the worker throwing a dead Israeli into an S.U.V.)
Still, an UNRWA spokesman said that almost all of the employees were terminated or put on leave.
Khalil al-Halabi, a former UNRWA official in Gaza, argued that punishing the entire agency and everyone it serves over the misdeeds of some employees was unfair. But he said that the actions of militant-linked workers were causing enormous damage to the agency.
"It's a disaster," said Mr. al-Halabi, who has been critical of the Oct. 7 attack. "They're essentially giving Israel a pretext to shut UNRWA down."
Jo Becker is a reporter in the investigative unit at The Times.
Adam Rasgon is a reporter for The Times in Jerusalem, covering Israeli and Palestinian affairs.
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The forgotten speech of Yasser Arafat
Shortly after signing the Oslo Accords and the Jericho Agreement with Israel, Arafat told the truth to Arabic speakers. Op-ed.
Barry Shaw.
Dec 28, 2022
After Yasser Arafat signed the Oslo Accords on the White House lawn in 1993, he committed himself to another peace agreement, the Gaza-Jericho Agreement with Israel, which he signed.
On his way to be readmitted into Judea and Samaria (aka 'West Bank') by Israel he spoke at a mosque in Johannesburg South Africa in May 1994, after signing this second agreement and just days before Israel withdrew from Jericho as a further peace gesture.
This speech was secretly recorded by a South African journalist and was subsequently broadcast on Israeli radio.
This is part of what he said…
"This has to be understood by everybody. The permanent state of Israel? No! The permanent state of Palestine! (Applause).
"Yes, it is the permanent state of Palestine.
"I have to speak frankly. I cannot do it on my own without the support of the Islamic nation. You have to come and to fight and to start the jihad to liberate Jerusalem, your first shrine.
"What they are saying is that Jerusalem is their capital. No, it is not their capital. It is our capital. It is the first shrine of Islam and the Muslims."
Referring to the Oslo Accords he had signed, Arafat said,
"This agreement. I am not considering it more than the agreement which had been signed between our Prophet Mohammad and Quraish."
For those unfamiliar with the Quraish event, here is the story: The Jews of Mecca defeated the army of Mohammad, and reached an agreement with him. He later returned in greater strength and slaughtered them after they had left themselves defenseless by believing that Mohammad was a man of his word.
"You remember the Caliph Omar had refused this agreement and considered it a despicable truce. But Mohammad accepted it and we are accepting this peace offer but to continue our way to Jerusalem, to first shrine together and not alone.
We are in need of you as Muslims. As warriors of Jihad. "
And this legacy continued when Arafat was replaced by Mahmoud Abbas. Abbas said, "Every martyr will reach paradise, and every wounded will be rewarded by Allah!"
He also has said, "Every drop of blood spilled in Jerusalem is pure blood as long as it's for the sake of Allah."
And "Blood must be spilled because the Jews are desecrating the Islamic holy places "with their filthy feet."
The deception continues until today and much of the naïve progressive world is in the camp of the deceivers.
Or maybe they are not naïve?
Can it be that they support the ultimate Palestinian Arab goal which is not peace alongside the Jewish state but a peace without Israel, and without Jews?
Barry Shaw is International Public Diplomacy Director, Israel Institute for Strategic Studies. and author of the book 'Fighting Hamas, BDS & Anti-Semitism.'
https://www.israelnationalnews.com/news/365095
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By: Fern Sidman
The return of Staff Sergeant Major Ran Gvili's remains to Israeli soil, 843 days after the Hamas-led invasion of October 7, has reopened wounds that never healed—and, for many, extinguished illusions that had survived even the darkest chapters of Israel's history. His recovery has not merely marked the end of a family's long agony or the closing of one tragic chapter in a national trauma. It has ignited a profound political and moral reckoning that now reverberates far beyond the borders of Israel itself.
Following the announcement on Monday, Americans for a Safe Israel (AFSI), one of the United States' longest-standing pro-Israel advocacy organizations, issued a declaration that cuts directly against decades of diplomatic orthodoxy. The organization asserted that the lessons of October 7, and of the 843-day ordeal endured by the Gvili family, leave no room for ambiguity: the creation of a Palestinian Arab state alongside Israel must be rejected outright, in all forms and in all territories.
For AFSI, the recovery of Ran Gvili is not only a moment of mourning—it is a moment of reckoning. A symbol of a broader truth they believe has now been irreversibly clarified: that the concept of Palestinian statehood, long promoted as a pathway to peace, has instead become a perceived existential threat to Israel's survival.
The emotional weight of Gvili's return was captured in a message from Israeli President Isaac Herzog, who wrote on X, "Ran Gvili, the hero, returns to his homeland's landscape after 843 days! The Yamam fighter who went out to save lives—finally returns to his country, his family, and his land. An entire nation is moved to tears." His words carried the language not only of grief, but of collective identity: a fallen defender returning to the soil he died protecting, a son of the nation restored to its embrace.
The symbolism was impossible to ignore. Gvili's return did not occur in a political vacuum. It arrived in a historical moment when Israeli society is undergoing a deep internal transformation—psychological, strategic, and ideological. Long-standing assumptions about security, coexistence, and diplomatic compromise have been shaken by the unprecedented brutality of October 7 and the prolonged trauma that followed.
nly a year earlier, speaking at the World Economic Forum in Davos, President Herzog himself had articulated a shift that now appears prophetic. "The idea of the two-state solution is something which, on record, I supported in the past, many times," he said. "But I had a wake-up call following October 7." That statement, delivered in one of the world's most elite diplomatic forums, signaled more than a personal reassessment—it reflected a broader transformation in Israeli political consciousness.
For decades, the two-state solution functioned as a kind of diplomatic creed in Western political discourse. It was repeated in policy papers, speeches, and resolutions with ritualistic consistency, often detached from developments on the ground. But October 7, and the cascading violence that followed, shattered that abstraction. The conflict ceased to be theoretical. It became visceral, intimate, and personal—etched into families, communities, and memory.
AFSI's chairman, Moshe Phillips, articulated this rupture with blunt clarity. "Not surprisingly, most Israelis see the idea of a Palestinian state differently than the New York Times, NPR and the BBC," he stated. His words pointed to a widening gulf between Western media narratives and Israeli lived experience. "Even before October 7, polls consistently showed that most Israelis feared a Palestinian state would be used as a springboard to attack Israel, especially at its most vulnerable nine-mile-wide points along the coast."
That geographical reference is not rhetorical flourish—it is strategic reality. At its narrowest point, Israel is only nine miles wide. In military terms, this represents a vulnerability unmatched by most modern nation-states. A hostile entity operating from adjacent territory would possess not only tactical advantage, but existential leverage.
Phillips continued: "After October 7, the idea of a Palestinian state seems to most Israelis to constitute a direct threat to Israel's existence. The best way to make sure Israeli families do not suffer for 843 days the way the Gvili family has is to prevent a Palestinian state."
This framing transforms the debate. Palestinian statehood is no longer presented as a diplomatic question, but as a security doctrine—one tied directly to survival, deterrence, and the prevention of future national trauma. In this worldview, the two-state solution is not a peace framework but a strategic liability.
The recovery of Ran Gvili's remains has therefore become more than a humanitarian event. It has become a moral and political catalyst. His story now embodies a narrative that extends far beyond individual heroism: the price of vulnerability, the cost of misplaced trust, and the human toll of strategic miscalculation.
AFSI's position is rooted not only in contemporary events, but in institutional memory. Established in 1970, Americans for a Safe Israel emerged in an era shaped by the aftermath of the Six-Day War and the Yom Kippur War—periods when Israeli survival was not an abstract concept but an immediate and existential struggle. For more than five decades, the organization has functioned as a counterweight to what it views as the steady normalization of narratives that delegitimize Israel's security concerns.
Unlike many advocacy groups, AFSI is not aligned with any political party in either the United States or Israel. Its identity is ideological rather than partisan, grounded in a consistent doctrine of Jewish self-determination, territorial security, and national sovereignty. In its view, the events of October 7 did not create a new reality—they confirmed one that had long been ignored.
The figure of Ran Gvili now occupies a symbolic space within that doctrine. His 843-day absence, and his eventual return, represent not only personal tragedy but national vulnerability. His story is framed as evidence of what happens when security assumptions collapse, when borders fail, and when deterrence erodes.
The political implications are profound. If Palestinian statehood is no longer seen by large segments of Israeli society as a path to peace, but as a platform for future violence, then the entire architecture of international diplomacy toward the conflict faces a legitimacy crisis. The language of "solution" itself becomes suspect.
What replaces it remains uncertain. But the direction of sentiment is clear. The trauma of October 7 has re-centered Israeli political thought around existential security rather than diplomatic symmetry. Concepts such as coexistence, compromise, and mutual recognition—once pillars of peace discourse—are increasingly filtered through a lens of survival.
For organizations such as AFSI, this shift represents not radicalization, but realism. They argue that peace frameworks detached from security realities become moral abstractions that ultimately produce more suffering, not less. In this interpretation, Palestinian statehood is not an unfinished peace project—it is a failed paradigm.
The return of Ran Gvili thus becomes more than closure. It becomes indictment. Indictment of illusions, of diplomatic formulas divorced from lived reality, and of international narratives that, in the eyes of many Israelis, minimize existential risk.
His name now enters a lineage of symbolic figures in Israeli history—individuals whose personal stories become national metaphors. Not as political actors, but as human anchors in a landscape of ideology and policy.
In the end, the declaration by Americans for a Safe Israel is not simply a policy position—it is a civilizational statement. It reflects a worldview in which Jewish sovereignty is non-negotiable, national security is paramount, and the lessons of history are written not in treaties, but in blood, loss, and memory.
The recovery of Ran Gvili after 843 days closes one chapter of grief. But it opens another chapter of reckoning—one in which the future of Israeli policy, regional diplomacy, and the very language of peace itself are being rewritten.
In this new reality, the question is no longer whether the old paradigms can be revived. It is whether they can survive at all.
https://tjvnews.com/news/israel/from-ashes-to-resolve-the-return-of-ran-gvili-and-the-shattering-of-the-two-state-illusion/
MIM: Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib posted this beneath the picture of his asylum claim receipt in an article he wrote about being deported from Israel.
"I received political asylum status in the United States, and 6 years later, became an American citizen. I was born in Saudi Arabia where my father worked as a physician for the Saudi Government."
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MIM: Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib's claim to fame is that he is a 'critic of Hamas'. The truth is that he equates 'criticism of Hamas' with condemnation of Israel by implying that both are equal entities . It also must be noted that Alkhatib doesn't condemn Hamas for killing and maiming Jews but because Hamas has "Inflicted profound harm on Palestinian society and undermined the Palestinian cause"!
"He (Alkhatib) argues that Hamas's ideology, governance and use of violence have inflicted profound harm on Palestinian society and undermined the Palestinian national cause, while also condemning Israel's military campaign and the policies of its far-right government."
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MIM: This headline should read: Muslim Who Pitched The Idea Of An Airport In Gaza To Yahya Sinwar Peaced Off At Hamas For Standing In The Way Of The Two State Final Solution."
Critic of Hamas from Gaza family to address Jewish-led London event
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib will speak at Jewish-led event urging democracy, dignity and a new Palestinian future
By Annabel Sinclair anuary 9, 2026
Ahmed Fouad Alkhatib will speak in north-west London on Sunday 18 January, appearing in conversation with the Sunday Times associate editor Josh Glancy, followed by a public Q&A. The event, titled Seek Peace and Pursue It, is being organised by We Democracy in collaboration with Jewish News and a broad coalition of Jewish and Israeli communal organisations.
Alkhatib, who was born in Saudi Arabia to a Gaza family and spent part of his childhood in Gaza, has become known for his rejection of both Hamas rule and Israel's current political leadership. He argues that Hamas's ideology, governance and use of violence have inflicted profound harm on Palestinian society and undermined the Palestinian national cause, while also condemning Israel's military campaign and the policies of its far-right government.
The evening will open with an introduction from Rabbi Charley Baginsky, co-lead of the Movement for Progressive Judaism. It follows a rally held last year by many of the same organisers to mark 30 years since the assassination of Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin, whose commitment to peace and democracy they say stands in sharp contrast to Israel's current political direction.
Supporting organisers and contributors include leaders from Masorti Judaism, the Board of Deputies of British Jews, the Union of Jewish Students, JW3 and the Movement for Progressive Judaism, among others. Organisers say the gathering reflects a desire within the Jewish community to support Israel while also speaking openly about the need for democratic values, accountability and a change of course.
The event is being presented as part of a wider effort to mobilise what organisers describe as a silent majority of British Jews who reject both Hamas extremism and hardline Israeli policies, and who believe meaningful peace will require dialogue, moral clarity and political courage.
https://www.jewishnews.co.uk/gaza-born-critic-of-hamas-to-address-london-jewish-peace-rally/
This item is available on the Militant Islam Monitor website, at http://www.militantislammonitor.org/article/id/8183