This item is available on the Militant Islam Monitor website, at http://www.militantislammonitor.org/article/id/73
Barbarism without a human face
May 4, 2004
Bottom right : Ekrima Sabri - Arafat appointed Grand Mufti
Question: "What do you feel when you pray [for the souls of the martyrs?"
Sabri: "I feel the martyr is lucky because the angels usher him to his wedding in heaven. I feel the earth moves under the occupiers' feet."
Question: "Is it different when the martyr is a child?"
Sabri: "Yes, it is. It's hard to express it in words. There is no doubt that a child [martyr] suggests that the new generation will carry on the mission with determination. The younger the martyr - the greater and the more I respect him. One wrote his name on a note before he died. He wrote: 'the martyr so and so.' In every martyr's pocket we find a note with his name on it. He sentences himself to martyrdom even before he becomes a martyr."
Question: "Is this why the mothers cry with joy when they hear about their sons' death?"
Sabri: "They willingly sacrifice their offspring for the sake of freedom. It is a great display of the power of belief. The mother is participating in the great reward of the Jihad to liberate Al-Aqsa. I talked to a young man. [who] said: 'I want to marry the black-eyed [beautiful] women of heaven.' The next day he became a martyr. I am sure his mother was filled with joy about his heavenly marriage. Such a son must have such a mother."
Question: "How do you feel about the Jews?"
Sabri: "I enter the mosque of Al-Aqsa with my head up and at the same time I am filled with rage toward the Jews. I have never greeted a Jew when I came near one. I never will.
ARAFAT'S PALESTINIAN AUTHORITY aka PAID ASSASSINS
"Everyone keeps saying that Hamas and Islamic Jihad invented suicide bombing," he said. "But this isn't true. It was the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command that invented the suicide bombing. We did the first one in 1974, before there was even a Hamas. I think people don't understand the proper role of the Popular Front in the history of the struggle. It was us, not Hamas."
Yasser Arafat and the Palestinian leadership never really intended to reach a two-state solution, says London-based professor Efraim Karsh in his recently released Arafat's War: The Man and His Battle for Israeli Conquest (Grove Press, October 2003). All along, Arafat and his associates have been openly stating their "phased strategy" for Israel's destruction; we have been too blinded by hopes for peace to hear what they said.
Arafat's War offers an authoritative and provocative portrait of one of the most controversial leaders of the 20th century, and along the way proves the adage, "Once a terrorist, always a terrorist." For this is the real Arafat exposed, with his relentless crusade for the destruction of Israel.
The book, offering in parallel a biography of the Egyptian-born "Palestinian" leader and a comprehensive account of the collapse of the Oslo peace process, is meticulously documented, referring extensively to Palestinian leaders and media as its sources. The nearly 30 pages of notes at the book's end could possibly have been more effective if they were presented alongside Karsh's compulsively readable and well-researched work.
Presenting an account of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and peace process in chronological order, the book explores how the Palestinians under Arafat's leadership refused to renounce their eventual goal of Israel's destruction, how they bolstered their terrorist infrastructure and glorified the armed struggle, and created a hate and contempt for Israeli people.
Was Yasser Arafat ever serious about peace? "For Arafat... the Oslo process has always been a strategic means not to a two-state solution... but to the substitution of a Palestinian state for that of Israel," Karsh says. Acting on the PLO's 1974 "phased strategy," Arafat endeavored to take whatever territory was surrendered by Israel, and then use it as a springboard for further territorial gains until achieving the "complete liberation of Palestine."
Why did Arafat reject Israel's peace offer at Camp David? "Arafat could not, and would not" accept the end of the conflict, Karsh says. "There was absolutely no way for Arafat to peacefully sign away the conflict without attaining the destruction of the State of Israel, through its withdrawal to indefensible borders and its flooding with millions of Palestinian refugees in accordance with the 'right of return.'"
Exposed and documented for the reader is Arafat's duplicity, how he tells the international audience in English one thing, and then says something altogether different in Arabic to his supporters. Arafat condemns the Dolphinarium suicide bombing only due to European pressure, but sends a letter to the bomber's family praising the "heroic martyrdom operation." Arafat blames another suicide bombing on then-IDF chief of staff Shaul Mofaz and tells UN envoy Terje Roed-Larson that the Mossad ordered the Karine A weapons shipment, which was actually bound for Hizbullah in Lebanon and not to Arafat's Palestinian forces.
Arafat's War is distinguished from other writings on the topic, says Daniel Pipes, author of Militant Islam Reaches America and director of the Middle East Forum, because Karsh's "sprightly, fact-filled and insightful review of the Palestinian leader's life presents him as he really is: 'a bloodthirsty terrorist with no respect for human lives, impervious to his own people's needs and aspirations, and absolutely committed to Israel's destruction.'" This book will help the reader "understand the Arab war against Israel," Pipes writes.
Efraim Karsh is professor and head of Mediterranean Studies at King's College, University of London, and is the author of several books, including Saddam Hussein: A Political Biography and Empires of the Sand: The Struggle for Mastery in the Middle East 1789-1923.
This article original appeared on Israel Insider.
Left: A picture taken in 1943 of the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin el-Husseini reviewing Bosnian-Muslim troops - a unit of the "Hanjar (Saber) Division" of the Waffen SS which he personally recruited for Hitler.
Arab leaders and media outlets have long been addicted to comparing Israel to the Nazi regime, while at the same time demeaning the extent of the Holocaust. This obsession with defaming and antagonizing the Jewish people and state was on full display in recent months and reached a crescendo – or rather nadir – the day before Pope John Paul II visited the Temple Mount during his Holy Land pilgrimage. The Grand Mufti of Jerusalem, Sheikh Ekrima Sabri, just hours before hosting the Pope, gave a series of press interviews, first telling the AP: "The figure of 6 million Jews killed during the Holocaust is exaggerated and is used by the Israelis to gain international support… It's not my problem. Muslims didn't do anything on this issue. It's the doing of Hitler who hated the Jews," asserted the acid-tongued Mufti – a figure appointed by Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat. "Six million? It was a lot less," Sabri repeated for an Italian newspaper. "It's not my fault if Hitler hated the Jews. Anyway, they hate them just about everywhere." The Mufti finished the day with Reuters, charging, "We denounce all massacres, but I don't see why a certain massacre should be used for political gain and blackmail." However, as a matter of record, there was a well-documented, thriving relationship between the Arab/Muslim world and Nazi Germany, with perhaps the most significant figure linking Hitler to the Middle East being none other Sabri's very own predecessor, Grand Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin el-Husseini. Here is a brief review of that dark, overlooked chapter in history.
The Führer's Mufti: After World War I, the Great Powers of Europe jockeyed for influence in the Middle East's oil fields and trade routes, with France and Britain holding mandates throughout most of the region. In the 1930s, the fascist regimes that arose in Italy and Germany sought greater stakes in the area, and began courting Arab leaders to revolt against their British and French custodians. Among their many willing accomplices was Jerusalem Mufti Haj Amin el-Husseini, who fled Palestine after agitating against the British during the Arab Revolt of 1936-39. He found refuge in Iraq – another of Her Majesty's mandates – where he again topped the British most wanted list after helping pull the strings behind the Iraqi coup of 1941. The revolt in Baghdad was orchestrated by Hitler as part of a strategy to squeeze the region between the pincers of Rommel's troops in North Africa, German forces in the Caucuses and pro-Nazi forces in Iraq. However, in June 1941 British troops put down the rebellion and the Mufti escaped via Tehran to Italy and eventually to Berlin.
Once in Berlin, the Mufti received an enthusiastic reception by the "Islamische Zentralinstitut" and the whole Islamic community of Germany, which welcomed him as the "Führer of the Arabic world." In an introductory speech, he called the Jews the "most fierce enemies of the Muslims" and an "ever corruptive element" in the world. Husseini soon became an honored guest of the Nazi leadership and met on several occasions with Hitler. He personally lobbied the Führer against the plan to let Jews leave Hungary, fearing they would immigrate to Palestine. He also strongly intervened when Adolf Eichman tried to cut a deal with the British government to exchange German POWs for 5000 Jewish children who also could have fled to Palestine. The Mufti's protests with the SS were successful, as the children were sent to death camps in Poland instead. One German officer noted in his journals that the Mufti would liked to have seen the Jews "preferably all killed." On a visit to Auschwitz, he reportedly admonished the guards running the gas chambers to work more diligently. Throughout the war, he appeared regularly on German radio broadcasts to the Middle East, preaching his pro-Nazi, anti-Semitic message to the Arab masses back home.
To show gratitude towards his hosts, in 1943 the Mufti travelled several times to Bosnia, where on orders of the SS he recruited the notorious "Hanjar troopers," a special Bosnian Waffen SS company which slaugh-tered 90% of Bosnia's Jews and burned countless Serbian churches and villages. These Bosnian Muslim recruits rapidly found favor with SS chief Heinrich Himmler, who established a special Mullah Military school in Dresden.
The only condition the Mufti set for his help was that after Hitler won the war, the entire Jewish population in Palestine should be liquidated. After the war, Husseini fled to Switzerland and from there escaped via France to Cairo, were he was warmly received. The Mufti used funds received earlier from the Hilter regime to finance the Nazi-inspired Arab Liberation Army that terrorized Jews in Palestine.
The Arab Embrace of Nazism: Husseini represents the prevalent pro-Nazi posture among the Arab/Muslim world before, during and even after the Holocaust. The Nazi-Arab connection existed even when Adolf Hitler first seized power in Germany in 1933. News of the Nazi takeover was welcomed by the Arab masses with great enthusiasm, as the first congratulatory telegrams Hitler received upon being appointed Chancellor came from the German Consul in Jerusalem, followed by those from several Arab capitals. Soon afterwards, parties that imitated the National Socialists were founded in many Arab lands, like the "Hisb-el-qaumi-el-suri" (PPS) or Social Nationalist Party in Syria. Its leader, Anton Sa'ada, styled himself the Führer of the Syrian nation, and Hitler became known as "Abu Ali" (In Egypt his name was "Muhammed Haidar"). The banner of the PPS displayed the swastika on a black-white background. Later, a Lebanese branch of the PPS – which still receives its orders from Damascus – was involved in the assassination of Lebanese President Pierre Gemayel.
The most influential party that emulated the Nazis was "Young Egypt," which was founded in October 1933. They had storm troopers, torch processions, and literal translations of Nazi slogans – like "One folk, One party, One leader." Nazi anti-Semitism was replicated, with calls to boycott Jewish businesses and physical attacks on Jews. Britain had a bitter experience with this pro-German mood in Egypt, when the official Egyptian government failed to declare war on the Wehrmacht as German troops were about to conquer Alexandria.
After the war, a member of Young Egypt named Gamal Abdul Nasser was among the officers who led the July 1952 revolution in Egypt. Their first act – following in Hitler's footsteps – was to outlaw all other parties. Nasser's Egypt became a safe haven for Nazi war criminals, among them the SS General in charge of the murder of Ukrainian Jewry; he became Nasser's bodyguard and close comrade. Alois Brunner, another senior Nazi war criminal, found shelter in Damascus, where he served for many years as senior adviser to the Syrian general staff and still resides today.
Sami al-Joundi, one of the founders of the ruling Syrian Ba'ath Party, recalls: "We were racists. We admired the Nazis. We were immersed in reading Nazi literature and books... We were the first who thought of a translation of Mein Kampf. Anyone who lived in Damascus at that time was witness to the Arab inclination toward Nazism."
These leanings never completely ceased. Hitler's Mein Kampf currently ranks sixth on the best-seller list among Palestinian Arabs. Luis Al-Haj, translator of the Arabic edition, writes glowingly in the preface about how Hitler's "ideology" and his "theories of nationalism, dictatorship and race… are advancing especially within our Arabic States." When Palestinian police first greeted Arafat in the self-rule areas, they offered the infamous Nazi salute - the right arm raised straight and upward.
The PLO and notably Arafat himself do not make a secret of their source of inspiration. The Grand Mufti el-Husseini is venerated as a hero by the PLO. It should be noted, that the PLO's top figure in east Jerusalem today, Faisal Husseini, is the grandson to the Führer's Mufti. Arafat also considers the Grand Mufti a respected educator and leader, and in 1985 declared it an honor to follow in his footsteps. Little wonder. In 1951, a close relative of the Mufti named Rahman Abdul Rauf el-Qudwa el-Husseini matriculated to the University of Cairo. The student decided to conceal his true identity and enlisted as "Yasser Arafat."
Writers: Paul Longgrear, Raymond McNemar
The Mufti and the Führer
By Mitchell Bard
In 1941, Haj Amin al-Husseini fled to Germany and met with Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joachim Von Ribbentrop and other Nazi leaders. He wanted to persuade them to extend the Nazis' anti-Jewish program to the Arab world.
The Mufti sent Hitler 15 drafts of declarations he wanted Germany and Italy to make concerning the Middle East. One called on the two countries to declare the illegality of the Jewish home in Palestine. Furthermore, "they accord to Palestine and to other Arab countries the right to solve the problem of the Jewish elements in Palestine and other Arab countries, in accordance with the interest of the Arabs and, by the same method, that the question is now being settled in the Axis countries."1
In November 1941, the Mufti met with Hitler, who told him the Jews were his foremost enemy. The Nazi dictator rebuffed the Mufti's requests for a declaration in support of the Arabs, however, telling him the time was not right. The Mufti offered Hitler his "thanks for the sympathy which he had always shown for the Arab and especially Palestinian cause, and to which he had given clear expression in his public speeches....The Arabs were Germany's natural friends because they had the same enemies as had Germany, namely....the Jews...." Hitler replied:
Germany stood for uncompromising war against the Jews. That naturally included active opposition to the Jewish national home in Palestine....Germany would furnish positive and practical aid to the Arabs involved in the same struggle....Germany's objective [is]...solely the destruction of the Jewish element residing in the Arab sphere....In that hour the Mufti would be the most authoritative spokesman for the Arab world. The Mufti thanked Hitler profusely.2
In 1945, Yugoslavia sought to indict the Mufti as a war criminal for his role in recruiting 20,000 Muslim volunteers for the SS, who participated in the killing of Jews in Croatia and Hungary. He escaped from French detention in 1946, however, and continued his fight against the Jews from Cairo and later Beirut. He died in 1974.
The Husseini family continued to play a role in Palestinian affairs, with Faisal Husseini, whose father was the Mufti's nephew, regarded until his death in 2001 as one of their leading spokesmen in the territories.
Notes1"Grand Mufti Plotted To Do Away With All Jews In Mideast," Response, (Fall 1991), pp. 2-3.
2Record of the Conversation Between the Fuhrer and the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem on November 28, 1941, in the Presence of Reich Foreign Minister and Minister Grobba in Berlin, Documents on German Foreign Policy, 1918-1945, Series D, Vol. XIII, London, 1964, p. 881ff in Walter Lacquer and Barry Rubin, The Israel-Arab Reader, (NY: Facts on File, 1984), pp. 79-84.
First published in the New Yorker 7/21/01
One day last month, I visited the terrorist Abdullah Shami at his home in the Shejaiya neighborhood of Gaza City. Shejaiya is said to be a stronghold of Islamic Jihad, a group that conducts suicide attacks against Israeli targets, and Shami is the group's leader in Gaza. He lives on the third floor of a concrete-and-plaster apartment house. Before I went upstairs, I met three of his sons in the sand-covered alleyway that leads to the building. The sun was boiling hot, and the building provided shade for the boys and their friends.
They were playing a game called shuhada, which means martyrs. The youngest son, Ahmed, who is three, played the shaheed, the martyr, and charged a make-believe Jewish bunker. The other boys made the sound of rifles firing, and Ahmed dropped to the ground and pretended to be dead. His brothers Mahmoud, who is five, and Muhammad, who is six, then carried his limp body down the alleyway, and performed a mock funeral. The game ended when Ahmed rose from his imaginary grave, shouted "Allahu Akbar!" and giggled. . . . "Fear is a human sensation," Shami said. "If I say that I am not afraid, I am not human. But fear will not stop me from doing what needs to be done."
What his group needs to do, he said, is kill more Jews. . . For Abdullah Shami, ceasefires are distractions, short pauses in the otherwise unrelenting march to Jerusalem. "We must fight Israel until it is gone," he told me. "The Jews who are alive can stay in Palestine, he said, adding that 'during history, the Jews were most secure under Muslim rule.'"
"Arafat has excellent intelligence, and he could take apart Islamic Jihad quite easily," said Boaz Ganor, the director of the International Policy Institute for Counter-Terrorism, in Herzliyya, a city north of Tel Aviv. "I believe that Arafat preserved Islamic Jihad in order to use its terrorists when needed. What he needed was another Black September. The whole idea is deniability." Black September was the group responsible for the 1972 attack on Israeli athletes in Munich. It was initially thought to be independent of Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organization, but it is now widely accepted that Black September operated under Arafat's control.
During my visit with Abdullah Shami, I hoped that he would comment on a recent controversy concerning a fatwa, or religious ruling, issued by the Mufti of Saudi Arabia, Sheik Abd Al-Aziz bin Abdallah Al-Sheik, in which suicide bombing was declared contrary to the tenets of Islam. "This is not a part of jihad, and I fear that it is merely killing oneself," the Mufti was quoted as saying. The ruling of the Saudi mufti was not motivated by moral or theological qualms about the murder of Jews. The questions he raised had to do with the threat that suicide poses to the eternal soul of the Muslim bomber himself.
Even so, the fatwa has been met with scorn in many quarters. The head of the Hamas-affiliated Palestinian Islamic Scholars Association, Sheik Hamed Al-Bitawi, stated that "Jihad is a collective duty.... However, if infidels conquer even an inch of the Muslims' land, as happened with the occupation of Palestine by the Jews, then jihad becomes an individual duty, and, therefore, suicide attacks are permissible." Shami raised his eyebrows when I mentioned the mufti. He said, "There are some people who are ignorant of certain aspects of Shari'a"-Islamic religious law.
"This is not suicide but martyrdom. It is a duty of Muslims." Islamic Jihad bombers, Shami explained, are not men who seek suicide. "We do not take depressed people. If there were a one-in-a-thousand chance that a person was suicidal, we would not allow him to martyr himself. In order to be a martyr bomber, you have to want to live." A recent poll conducted by the Palestinian Center for Public Opinion found that seventy-six per cent of Palestinian respondents approved of suicide bombings that targeted Israelis. And Palestinian religious leaders have for some time been praising the virtues of suicide in the service of their cause.
Three years ago, the Mufti of Jerusalem, Sheik Ekrima Sabri, who is the leading Muslim official in Palestinian-controlled territory, explained to me the role of martyrdom in Islamic thinking. "The Muslim embraces death," he said. "Look at the society of the Israelis. It is a selfish society that loves life. These are not people who are eager to die for their country and their God. The Jews will leave this land rather than die, but the Muslim is happy to die." The attacks have also won support in the wider Arab world.
In a column published in May in the Egyptian newspaper Al-Usbu (and disseminated by the Middle East Media Research Institute, in Washington, D.C.), the writer Amru Nasif called for mass suicide attacks against Israelis, and volunteered himself for a suicide mission. "Let us do some mathematical calculations," he wrote. "Two hundred and fifty Palestinians have signed up for martyrdom operations, and it is not impossible to raise this number to a thousand throughout the Arab world. The average harvest of each act of martyrdom is ten dead and fifty wounded. Thus, a thousand acts of martyrdom would leave the Zionists with at least ten thousand dead and fifty thousand wounded."
Nasif also pleaded with Allah to let him "become a shaheed" and grant him "the honor of reaping as great a harvest as possible of Israeli lives." Many Palestinians worry about the glorification of suicide bombers. Ziad Abu-Amr, an expert on Islamic movements at Birzeit University, in the West Bank, and the chairman of the political committee of the Palestine Legislative Council, sees his Gaza constituents embracing suicide attacks as a response to their desperation. "The entire society is drifting toward religiosity, not necessarily because it has discovered God in the last eight months but because-in the sombre climate of destruction-war, unemployment, and depression cause people to seek solace, and they're going to Allah," he said. "On Friday, at the time of prayer, the streets are blocked now because of the number of people going to mosque. This is a new phenomenon."
One of Abdullah Shami's sons, Hussam, is eighteen years old. I asked Shami if he wants Hussam to become a suicide bomber. "Of course I do," he said. "But it's his own choice. I won't push him in either direction." As the interview ended, Mahmoud, Ahmed, and Muhammad joined us in the sitting room. Ahmed, the three-year-old, is chubby-cheeked and insouciant. He was wearing a striped yellow shirt, shorts, and sandals, and his hair had been neatly combed before he entered the room.
It was impossible for me to understand the impulse that would prompt his father to contemplate sacrificing this child. "All children who are born eventually die," Shami said. "And death is painful, except in the case of martyrs, who feel no pain as they commit the act that leads to their martyrdom." He added, "Our bodies are the only weapons we have. We don't want to use our bodies as weapons. Maybe you should tell the Israelis to send us other weapons, like Katyushas. Then we won't use our bodies against them anymore."As I left, Ahmed gave me a black Islamic Jihad flag as a keepsake, and slapped me five.
In order to find out what Ahmed Jibril was planning for his intercepted shipment of rockets, I went one afternoon to a meeting of his Popular Front. The meeting was held at a wedding hall called the Casablanca, which is situated in the heights of Ramallah, on the West Bank, just north of Jerusalem. The meeting drew a large crowd, roughly five hundred people, including representatives from the main religious and secular fighting groups. Strung on a wire running across the ballroom were posters featuring the tired face of Jibril, a secularist who is more closely associated with the Red Army and the Baader-Meinhof gang of the nineteen-seventies than with the bin Ladens and Islamic Jihads of today.
The program was ponderous; each faction leader spoke in praise of Jibril and of the Palestinians killed in the current uprising. The local Hamas chief, Hassan Yusuf, rose to celebrate the poll results that showed strong public support for suicide bombings. Yusuf earlier told me that, shortly after a Hamas bomber killed several Israelis at a shopping mall in Netanya in May, he and his followers handed out candy at their mosque in celebration.
The Casablanca was humid and filled with smoke, and men with guns circulated through the crowd. Sweet Turkish coffee, distributed in small plastic cups, kept everyone awake. Then Marwan Barghouti entered the hall, flanked by uniformed men carrying AK-47s. His presence caused a stir; he is the Fatah leader of the uprising in the West Bank, and is often mentioned as a possible successor to Yasir Arafat. It was surprising to see Barghouti at the Popular Front meeting. He is, after all, a Fatah man; Fatah is Yasir Arafat's faction, and Arafat and Ahmed Jibril are antagonists.
But Barghouti, whom I have interviewed several times over the past months, has changed. At the outset of the uprising, Barghouti was fond of noting that he counted among his friends several members of the Israeli Parliament. He no longer makes such claims. Just two weeks ago, Israel accused him of being directly involved in the killing of a Greek Orthodox monk who was shot to death outside Jerusalem by gunmen who apparently mistook him for an Orthodox Jew. Barghouti is said to have provided the gunmen with their weapons, a charge he has denied. The day before the Popular Front meeting,
I had talked to Barghouti in his office, on the third floor of a five-story residential apartment building in Ramallah. He is afraid of assassination-one of his deputies was killed by a missile fired from an Israeli helicopter-and this fear is apparently why he has placed his headquarters between apartments that house families with children. During the interview, I asked Barghouti an obvious question: What would Israel have to do to bring an end to the uprising? "We need one hundred per cent of Gaza, one hundred per cent of the West Bank, one hundred per cent of East Jerusalem, and the right of return for refugees," he said.
I pointed out that former Prime Minister Ehud Barak had, at the Camp David summit last year, offered the Palestinians a series of dramatic concessions: a free Gaza, around ninety per cent of the West Bank, a capital in East Jerusalem, and so on. "No!" Nothing less than a hundred per cent is acceptable, he said.
"And if you get a hundred percent? Will that end the conflict?" Barghouti smiled, and then said something impolitic for a Fatah man. "Then we could talk about bigger things," he said. Such as? "I've always thought that a good idea would be one state for all the peoples," he said. A secular democratic Palestine? "We don't have to call it Palestine," he replied. "We can call it something else."
Perhaps no one better personified the enigma of Palestinian desire than Faisal Husseini, who was the chief P.L.O. figure in Jerusalem and who, at the time of his death, of a heart attack, in late May, was hailed as an exemplar of coexistence-a "political prisoner turned peace advocate," the Times called him. Two years ago, in his office in East Jerusalem, Husseini told me, "The only hope is for the Israelis to give up their dreams, and for the Palestinians to give up their dreams. It is the only way we will free ourselves from our nightmares."
But in his last months Husseini spoke at a conference in Teheran which brought together leaders of Hezbollah, Hamas, and Islamic Jihad. And in a speech delivered in Beirut in April he said, "We may lose or win, but our eyes will continue to aspire to the strategic goal; namely, Palestine from the river to the sea"-from the Jordan to the Mediterranean. "Whatever we get now cannot make us forget this supreme truth."
In recent months, it was as if Barghouti and Husseini had fired up a time-travel machine and taken us back to 1968, when the leaders of the P.L.O. still spoke unabashedly of erasing Israel from the map of the world. Dusk settled over Ramallah, and Ahmed Jibril's followers left the Casablanca. Husam Arafat, Jibril's representative on the West Bank, sat on a folding chair and answered questions. He is a lawyer, humorless and ascetic in appearance. He, too, spoke of a "Palestine from the river to the sea."
When I told him I was surprised to see Barghouti at his meeting, he appeared offended, and waved over the Fatah leader, who was surrounded by a clutch of admirers. "He says you shouldn't be here," Arafat told Barghouti. "Why?" Barghouti asked me. "Because Yasir Arafat and Ahmed Jibril are enemies, and because your ideologies are so different." Barghouti took Husam Arafat's hand. "We're all fighting together now," Barghouti said. I asked Barghouti about the Santorini. "It's too bad what happened," he said. "If someone sends you a gift, you should always try to accept it."
After Barghouti and his men left the hall, I asked Arafat why his boss, Ahmed Jibril, was sending rockets to Gaza. "The General Command decided that it would provide a full range of military services to the uprising," he said. I asked him if he hoped to shoot down planes, but he just smiled wanly and changed the subject. It turned out that there was something on his mind.
"Everyone keeps saying that Hamas and Islamic Jihad invented suicide bombing," he said. "But this isn't true. It was the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command that invented the suicide bombing. We did the first one in 1974, before there was even a Hamas. I think people don't understand the proper role of the Popular Front in the history of the struggle. It was us, not Hamas." I promised him that this fact would be noted.
By Jerusalem Post Staff
Barghouti: First Palestine-Then Bigger Things
|July, 02 2001|
(July 2) - An independent Palestinian state with Jerusalem as its capital is the objective of the intifada, according to West Bank Fatah chief Marwan Barghouti, but then there would be "bigger things" to aim for.
"I've always thought that a good idea would be one state for all the peoples," Barghouti is quoted as saying in a New Yorker article, out today. "We don't have to call it Palestine. We can call it something else."
The New Yorker article, titled "The Martyr Strategy," deals with the rising fundamentalism among Palestinian nationalists. Author Jeffrey Goldberg notes that the late PLO official Faisal Husseini, who two years ago spoke of reconciliation between Israelis and Palestinians, last April was speaking very differently. At a speech delivered in Beirut, he said: "We may lose or win, but our eyes will continue to aspire to the strategic goal; namely, Palestine from the [Jordan] river to the sea. Whatever we get now cannot make us forget this supreme truth."
Asked about Palestinian Authority Chairman Yasser Arafat's refusal to accept prime minister Ehud Barak's territorial offer at Camp David, Barghouti told Goldberg: "We need 100 percent of Gaza, 100% of the West Bank, 100% of east Jerusalem, and the right of return for refugees."
One of Arafat's minions who together with an accomplice, slaughtered a pregnant woman and her 4 young daughters in their car rshooting them through the head point blank range.
Both killers were both shot by the IDF while running away.
At a memorial ,held at the site for the slain Hatuel family a week later , terrorists dressed as women fired at the mourners, both attackers were killed by the IDF.
Snipers Attack Memorial for Slain Hatuel Family
Palestinian terrorists disguised as women opened fire Sunday evening at a memorial service near Kissufim junction where Tali Hatuel, her four daughters and unborn son were murdered one week ago. Three hundred people attending the service scattered and dove behind vehicles. None were hurt.
"We heard a shot, and then another one, and we understood we were being fired upon," said Motti Sender from the Ganei Tal settlement. "Instinctively we lay on the ground and hid behind cars."
Israeli security forces spotted the Palestinian shooters about 300 meters from the site of the memorial service, on the outskirts of the town of Khan Yunis. A tank fired a shell on a house in which they were were hiding. Two terrorists in women's clothes were killed.
The Islamic Jihad terror group claimed credit for the attack
More Arab/Muslim Nazi connections
This site documents the genocidal deal Hajj Amin Al Husseini made with Hitler. http://notendur.centrum.is/~snorrigb/mufti4.htm
This item is available on the Militant Islam Monitor website, at http://www.militantislammonitor.org/article/id/73